This could be another link to the green stone in the Head Room.
Around 14.8 million years ago a meteorite hit the earth with a collective force greater than all the atomic bombs on Earth combined, it was enough to vaporise terrestrial rock. When that vapour condensed and cooled and fell back to Earth it formed moldavite. From as early as 25,000 years ago this green stone has been revered as a sacred gift from the gods, it has been associated with fertility, immortality, rebirth, magic and more.
The most common parallels wit this myth is:
- Fire from the heavens
- Forbidden knowledge
- The involvement of a higher being or entity in guiding mankind
- For that guidance that being is cast out of ‘paradise’ or ‘heaven’
It links every myth, faith and legend. Meaning that all of these formative faiths around this green rock were just something people tried to explain without having scientific knowledge.
Like Ridley Scott said in the making of Prometheus Art Book. An advanced species or race involved in pre-visitation will always seem Godly but it doesn’t necessarily make them a God.
You can see these converging facts from around the ancient world that all point to this Sun god/fire/green stone from the heavens as a way to explain the sudden enlightenment of mankind. But in fact it is just the slow progression of oral tradition from one ancient people’s to another.
In short it you look at the story of Prometheus, the story of the ark of the covenant, the story of the holy grail. It’s all the same story, all variations on a theme. Just like all the art work, music and poetry in Alien: Covenant.
Nothing is original. And where it came from doesn’t really matter because out of that meteorite came several thousand years of creation from mankind.
Anyway, to continue. I have always wondered why they removed the ceremonial bowl from the alter in Prometheus, even in the directors commentary the fact that it had been replace was completely glossed over. Here’s a pretty solid theory that could tie this into the Comparative Mythology the Prequels constantly reference.
This particular topic is close to home, I live in Victoria, Australia and it was just last night I was talking to my husband about oral traditions of the First Peoples. Aboriginals are called the first peoples and a lot of their evolutionary culture is preserved in the telling of these stories, being passed on by word of mouth. The Aboriginal people actually have a story dating back to the ice age where people remember walking from Indonesia to Australia. You can read up on one of the oldest cultures on Earth here.
It’s interesting that this theory about the green stone in the head room would also be part of a well studied debate about the relevance of green stone axes and the falling sky myth.
As you know axes are been used in Prometheus by Elizabeth Shaw and in Alien: Covenant by Daniels.
Here is an excerpt from the university paper speculating the importance of green stone.
Isabel McBryde’s research shows that greenstone axes from Mt William quarry were preferred over axes from technologically equivalent greenstone and other hard rock sources, suggesting that Mt William axes had particular symbolic significance for many Aboriginal people in southeastern Australia. Surviving oral traditions suggest that Mt William quarry may have had an important role in Kulin mythology that was seen as imbuing its axes with great power. The quarry owner/managers as song-makers were responsible for receiving such knowledge from the Ancestral world and communicating it to their own and far-distant groups. Their role in creating and/or reinforcing the great power of Mt William in the form of myth, therefore, seems likely. However, the wide-spread notion in southeastern Australian cosmologies that stone axes kept the sky from falling suggests that the production of axes and their movement across the landscape in specific, non-random directions were underwritten by complex symbolic considerations and beliefs, such as the need to propitiate certain dangerous supernatural forces and to maintain cosmic order. Ethnohistorical evidence implies that senior clan-heads maintained strict control over Mt William and were the knowing, central figures in the vast axe production and distribution system. In some respects this may have been the case; however, the ‘falling sky’ incident gives the impression that greenstone axes were being drawn from the southern quarry far to the north and further beyond by agencies over which the quarry owner/managers had little control or influence. As a final point, it is worth noting that the ‘falling sky’ incident has been interpreted by some scholars as evidence for the rapid breakdown of Aboriginal cosmic order in the face of the European invasion: The inference was clear: the eastern support had given way and the sky had fallen down. Now as a result, the ghosts or reincarnations of all the black-fellows who ever lived [Europeans] had broken through from the spirit world to swarm over the land (Willey 1979, 55; see also Maddock 1972, 108; cf. Sharp 1952). An alternative interpretation, however, seen in light of the evidence for greenstone axe distribution in south-eastern Australia, is that cosmological catastrophes of this nature may have long preceded European contact, due to the embeddedness of technological concerns in the belief systems of Aboriginal people. – Information from: 2010 ‘The falling sky’: symbolic and cosmological associations of the Mt William greenstone axe quarry, Central Victoria, Australia by Adam R. Brumm University of Wollongong.
Aborigines in eastern Australia believed that the sky was held up on supports at the edges of the earth, and that the eastern prop either collapsed or was rotting. Tribes far into the interior of the continent were requested to send tribute to the east to be given to the spirit people in charge of holding up the sky so that it could be repaired. Possum rugs and stone axes were sent eastwards in response. Historians interpret the story as referring to the beginning of European colonization from the east; however, one version, quoted above (Peck 1938), is particular to the South Coast of New South Wales and may be describing the way tsunami affected the coast. The legend implies that the ocean fell from the sky. Substantial evidence exists for Aboriginal occupation of the open rocky headlands along this coast (Hughes & Sullivan 1974). At Bombo Headland 70 km south of Sydney, tsunami overwashed a 40 m high headland. The wave separated from the headland and plunged back to the ocean surface 100–200 m into a bay on the lee side. Profuse amounts of coarse sediment dropped from the airborne flow into the bay under gravity (Fig. 2). Evidence of disturbed Aboriginal occupation ‘silcrete hand axes and shaped blades’ has been found on the lee side of headlands along this coast (Bryant 2001). Aborigines at these locations initially would have heard, but not seen, the tsunami approaching. Their first indication of disaster would have been when they looked up and saw the ocean dropping on them from the sky as the tsunami wave surged over headlands. Additional physical and legendary evidence of major comet and tsunami impacts exists in SE Australia. In South Australia, the legend of Ngurunderi clearly alludes to tsunami (Flood 1995, p. 140–141). Ngurunderi was a great Ancestral figure of the southern tribes in South Australia, who established Tribal Laws. Long ago, Ngurunderi’s two wives ran away from him, and he was forced to follow them. He pursued them… and went along the beach to Cape Jervis. When he arrived there, he saw his wives wading half-way across the shallow channel which divided Nar-oong-owie from the mainland. He was determined to punish his wives, and angrily ordered the water to rise up and drown them. With a terrific rush, the waters roared and the women were carried back towards the mainland. Although they tried frantically to swim against the tidal wave, they were powerless to do so and were drowned. Their bodies turned to stone and are seen as two rocks off the coast of Cape Jervis, called the Pages or the Two Sisters. Nar-oong-owie refers to Kangaroo Island, South Australia. The history of Aboriginal occupation of Kangaroo Island remains enigmatic. The island shows extensive evidence of Aboriginal occupancy; but, when the first European, Matthew Flinders, landed on the island in 1802, it was unoccupied. Mainland Aborigines call Kangaroo Island, Kanga—the Island of the Dead. The coastline also evinces signatures of cosmogenic tsunami. Most significant are enormous whirlpools (features that have been linked to catastrophic flow under tsunami (Bryant 2001)) on the northern coast of the island, where the Aboriginal legend is set. In addition, there are vortex-carved caves and massive piles of imbricated boulders, some over four metres in diameter, near promontories. Other tsunami and comet legends that could relate to the Mahuika Comet occur along the eastern coast of Australia. On the north coast of New South Wales, Aborigines speak of ‘the moon setting in the east’ and of flooding of rivers such as the Namoi from the ocean on a clear day. A spear from the sky fell into the sea followed by a great flood that changed the coastline (Cahir 2002). Individual large boulders on rock platforms are also identified as representing particular Aborigines struck down by a large wave. In SE Queensland, the Glasshouse Mountains, which lie at the western side of the coastal plain 20 km from the ocean, represent ancestral forms of Tibrogargan and his family. Tibrogargan one day was alarmed to see a great rising of the ocean and fled inland with this family. Individual peaks in the Glasshouse Mountains represent his family still gazing seaward at the threat. The family is estranged because Tibrogargan’s son, Coonowrin, abandoned his mother, Beerwah, in the flight. Tibrogargan has turned his back on him and has vowed never to look on him again.